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In Shanghai recently, alone in the street for a few minutes while my wife was in shop, I was propositioned. Hotels used by ordinary Chinese swarm with prostitutes, not to speak of clubs and bars. I mention the incident because, to a veteran of the Cultural Revolution whose first image of China was one of virulent chauvinism and a pathological Puritanism, the idea of a pretty young woman approaching you in the street with a smile was still a little surreal. Not far from the Bund, the old colonial quarter facing the river, three girls were at work under an arcade, and such is the force of custom that for a second the sight of them in a Chinese street made you feel priggish. Then you remembered how happy you were, not to see women selling themselves in public, but at the idea of a semi-normalised China which catered for human fallibility.
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As sex and politics danced a pas de deux in the Beijing of Mao Tse-tung, the self-indulgence of the top leader spanned the personal and the political, and private excesses had consequences for bystanders and public policy. Despite enormous differences in the Chinese and U. Both women remained ambitious, but as their husbands rose to supreme power, both stood at a tangent to the lines of political authority. The structural ambiguity made Jiang the object of excessive fear, flattery and scapegoating. Both Jiang and Hillary Clinton knew the pain of seeing power act like an aphrodisiac on their husband.